The importance of exclusive Kurdish TV for Eastern Kurdistan
Friday, February 17, 2006
KurdishMedia.com - By Kameel Ahmady
As the news of opening three new Kurdish Satellite TV channels Rojhelat-TV, Komala-TV and Tishk-TV spread across Kurdistan and Diaspora community its useful to point out how and its important for exclusive Kurdish TV For Eastern Kurdistan.
Since the 1990s, Kurdish society has experienced massive social developments, which were previously impossible due to the cultural isolation and political oppression. To facilitate the process of social development, Roj TV (former Med-TV) developed formats for discussion programs with live guests and active participation of the viewer mainly through phone-calls. Other Kurdish TV’s Kurd-sat and Kurdistan-TV followed the same route. The three main Kurdish TV's and number of radio are affiliated with Kurdistani political parties from Iraq and turkey’s Kurdistan and most all radio stations are locally produced except for Voice of Mesopotamia and few more, broadcasted from Europe through short wave, satellite and internet.
Meanwhile information and news about Kurdistan is distributed all over Europe, Iranian Kurds has been left out form this process, although being 2nd largest kurdish publishing after turkey but did not owen TV, a TV which will be able to produce and developing new program concepts aiming to strengthen the development of social values and democracy among the people of Kurdistan as whole and Kurds of east Kurdistan.
This issues is further politicised in the case of the Kurdish population in Iran, a group who, marginalised from the mainstream media in the country and historically denied as a people, strive for a voice in international communications and an opportunity to represent what is happening in their native Kurdistan. Kurds in exile are keen consumers of television as a means of keeping up-to-date on the political situation in other parts of Kurdistan and in Iranian Kurdistan especially.
One of the outlets for this at present is Roj TV. The satellite station was established in 1995 to provide Kurds of turkey across the Diaspora with a forum for disseminating news about political developments in the region, and perhaps as importantly to provide a formalised expression of Kurdish identity and language in the global media.
Roj TV has a large potential audience of Kurds spread across Kurdistan and throughout the Diaspora in Europe, and in terms of Kongra-Gel’s stance, holds a critical position against the (recently) Iranian government. Kurdistan TV was established in 1998 by the Kurdistan Democratic Party in Iraq, and the following year in response the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan established Kurd sat TV.
Persian networks all offer only coverage which promotes only their political agendas. lacks transparency in its broadcasting coverage of Kurds Iran or example of Kurd sat TV and Kurdistan TV do not want risk their political and economical interest with Iranian government by broadcasting issues regarding Kurds in Iran and cover or run news or programme on Iran’s mis-treatment of its kurdish population and lack of human right, because of border interest with Iran in west and south Iraq which controls by PUK and KDP of Iraqi Kurdistan.
It is evident that in recent years we have seen a substantial efflorescence of indigenous media aimed directly at the special interest and perspectives of the large and politically engaged Kurdish population internationally. In spite of this, the issues, interests and perspectives of Kurds in Iran are relatively under-represented even within this spectrum, and Iran’s 10 million Kurds remain the most significant population without a voice of their own.
An independent TV-channel brings a sense of togetherness and act as a public sphere for the divided Kurdish community. Kurdish TV from eastern Kurds will brings Kurds to together; it can be used as a platform for unification with out the censorship government or a political party or a group. Such TV will help strengthen democracy, respect for minorities and cultural identity Kurdish media provides new perspectives, challenging the opinions of other global media institutions. Kurdish journalists can start reporting about Kurdish society and Kurdistan, covering the impact of global and regional politics which surly will be supported by millions of loyal viewers in east Kurdistan (Iran).
Let hope for such day.
Kameel Ahmady
ka61@kent.ac.uk

Iraqi Kurds finally get unified government
By Mohammed A Salih ARBIL,
Iraq - Kurds have long waited for the day when a new prime minister, deputy and cabinet walked into their new unified regional parliament. Now they want to see how the new government can change their lives. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) came together close to 10 years after signing a peace accord in Washington, in a ceremony on Sunday marking a unified government after years of separation. Nechirvan Barzani of the KDP was appointed prime minister. Omar Fatah of the PUK was appointed deputy prime
minister. A 42-member cabinet took oath in a 105-member parliament. The coming together of the two Kurdish factions stands in marked contrast to what is happening elsewhere in Iraq. A Kurdish parliament is now in place; in Baghdad it is not. The Kurdish government took shape after a long history of separation during which the two parties governed different regions of Kurdistan in the north of Iraq. Kurdish provinces have been under Kurdish control since the 1991 Gulf War.
The new Kurdish leadership plans to expand the areas under its control to include the oil-rich city of Kirkuk, which currently falls just outside Kurdish territory. Barzani said on Sunday that his government will work "peacefully to recover the rights that have been taken away". It was not a remark welcomed by Sunni and Shi'ite leaders at the ceremony. Kirkuk has a large non-Kurd population. But Barzani's remarks are being taken seriously.
When the first Kurdish government was established in 1992, only a handful of guests attended. This time foreign and Iraqi dignitaries swarmed the parliament hall. "Their presence at the ceremony is a recognition of Kurds' entity, their power and status in the soon-to-be-formed Iraqi government," Kurdish member of parliament Fuad Baban said. US Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad attended the ceremony, and did not fail to acknowledge "the sacrifices of Kurdish peshmerga" (fighters) for the freedom of Iraq. In the Kurdish parliament there is little sign of Iraq. Everything is Kurdish, down to the flag and the language. Even the Iraqi flag hoisted here is not the one used in Baghdad.
It's the one used in Iraq in 1958 after the overthrow of the monarchy and establishment of the first republican government. The new unity, and the distinct Kurdish ways, are driven by good reasons. "The unity and harmony among us is the catalyst for our current and future success," Barzani said.
The new cabinet includes ministers from various ethnic and religious groups to "satisfy all sectarian, ethnic and political groups", new minister Mohammed Haji Mahmoud from the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party said. Though not satisfied with the small role for his party in the cabinet, Mahmoud said, "We decided to participate in order to add a block to the wall of this government." The new cabinet was approved in less than 20 minutes, and all 42 cabinet members were ratified with only a few Nay votes.
The formalities done, people are waiting to see what the parliament can do for them. They have become increasingly dissatisfied with the Kurdish government. Quality of services is poor, and corruption has reached alarming levels. "The government has to be up to people's expectations, and work to provide better living conditions," said Arbil government employee Aryan Mohammed, 23.

Saddam to face judge over al-Anfal

Saddam Hussein, the former Iraqi president, is expected to go before a judge to answer questions about his alleged role in the al-Anfal operation against the Kurds. A member of Saddam's defence team told Aljazeera.net that initial proceedings had been scheduled for Sunday.
At the hearing, the investigating judge is expected to hear evidence from the prosecution and the defence before it can be decided whether or not there is enough evidence for a trial.
Najib al-Nuaimi, a former Qatari justice minister and member of Saddam's defence team, said he expected the judge to be Raed al-Juhi.
He also said he expected the investigation to be held inside Baghdad's heavily fortified Green Zone on Sunday.The hearing is going ahead despite the fact that Saddam is still currently being tried for crimes against humanity in the al-Dujail case. Al-Juhi was also the investigating judge for this case.
"The investigation will be in the same building where the current trial session has been held, and judge Raed al-Juhi is expected to launch the investigation," al-Nuaimi said.
Background
Al-Anfal was a military operation launched by the Iraqi army during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s. The operation consisted of two phases known as al-Anfal 1 launched in 1986, and al-Anfal 2 launched in February 1988 and continued for some time after the ceasefire in August 1988.Al-Anfal was an intensive hunt against Iran-backed Iraqi Kurdish militias who fought with Iran against Iraq.
Jalal Talabani, an Iraqi Kurd and the current president of Iraq, and Masoud Barzani, the current president of Iraqi Kurdistan, both had militias that fought a bloody guerrilla war against the Iraqi army starting in the 1960s.
Al-Nuaimi said he did not know if his client would stand trial for genocide against the Kurds before or after the current case of al-Dujail is closed.
"We still do not know whether the general prosecutor will wait until the al-Dujail case is closed. We also do not know why the case has been kicked off before the al-Dujail is closed," he said.
Politics
He said the trial was being used by curent Iraqi politicans and officials to win support.
"The trial of the president has been used by many Iraqi parties as a bargaining card," he said.
"This happened in the elections of the current parliament and is happening in the formation of the cabinet."Any politician who has ambitions to a post that has something to do with the trial gives promises that he would end the trial swiftly with a death sentence if given the position," he said.
Saddam's defence team will join today's investigation session. It was not immediately clear whether the hearing would be televised, although the al-Dujail hearing was.
Aljazeera

Syrian Kurdish follow-up conference to convene in Brussels
5/15/2006 KurdishMedia.com
New York (KurdishMedia.com) 15 May 2005: Following the landmark Democracy in Syria and Kurdish Human and National Rights conference organized by the Kurdish American Committee for Democracy in Syria on 12-13 March at the Russell Senate Office Building in Washington, DC, a follow-up conference is scheduled to convene in Brussels, Belgium at the end of this month. This conference will be sponsored by the Sponsored by Kurdish American Committee for Democracy in Syria and European Union parliamentarians.

As with the first conference, the event will begin with closed meetings involving the various Syrian Kurdish parties, with the aim of developing further consensus among the various Syrian Kurdish movements and establish a Kurdish assembly to represent all Syrian Kurds including political parties, NGO’s, civic leaders, independents and others.

The closed session will take place on 27 and 28 May. Following the closed session, a half-day event will take place at the EU Parliament which will include Kurdish and Arab figures as well as other Syrians and international experts. Numerous political parties and Syrian oppositionists are invited, including Rifat Asad, the uncle of Syrian president Bashar Asad, and former Syrian Vice President Abdul-Halim Khaddam.

A number of Kurdish leaders from all parts of Kurdistan are invited to attend the conference, including lawyer and prominent Kurdish activist Serafettin Elci, HAK-PAR leader Adbulmelik Firat, Socialist Party of Kurdistan founder and former Secretary General Kemal Burkay, Kurdistan National Congress of North America founder and former President Prof. Asad Khailany, and lawyer Hasip Kaplan. Representatives of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), Komala Party, Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) have also been invited, as have representatives of the US State Department.

Eighty Kurdish children face jail in Diyarbekir - Turkey
Thursday, May 04, 2006
Save the Kurdish Children
To: UNICEF, Save the Children: Sweden, USA, UK, Norway, France, Germany, Austria, and Amnesty International Uncover Turkish violations of Convention on the Rights of the Child Eighty Kurdish children face jail in Diyarbekir - Turkey We write as members of Save Kurdish Children in Sweden an organisation working on behalf of undefended Kurdish Children in Kurdistan, against the cruelty, torture and imprisonment of eighty children in Diyarbekir - Turkey. These children, aged between 10-18 face 10 -15 years in jail for alleged crimes against state and taking part in demonstration.

They were participants of protest marches against the cruel behaviour of the police and military forces; detention, beating and killing of demonstrators inclusive children who were standby watcher of the crowd march in the city of Diyarbekir and surrounding areas. Up to date 10 children and adults have been killed as police has shot in to the crowd of protestors in different cities within the Kurdish provinces in Turkey.

According to Reuters and Washington post (for more details please see washingtonpost.com; Tuesday, April 25, 2006; 7:54 AM), the indictment is prepared by prosecutors in Diyarbekir and the children will be put on trial in the coming days. Turkish PM, Tayyep Ordugan, on 31 March affirmed the right of police to shoot the Kurds, inclusive the children who participate in the marches against the state terrorism in Kurdistan. We strongly condemn the imprisonment and trial of children in Diyarbekir, as well as the killing and atrocities against the other civilians in the Kurdistan and other cities of Turkey.

We would urge you and your organisation as human right defenders to take appropriate measure to uncover these obvious violations of Convention on the Rights of the Child by Turkey, which is ironically also on the negotiating table for the European Union membership. On behalf of Save the Kurdish Children Jaafar Tekantepe Fereidoon Daneshvar Rädda Kurdiska Barn April 29, 2006 j_tekan@hotmail.com f.daneshvar@telia.com Örebro- Sweden

Wednesday, May 10, 2006
KurdishMedia.com - By Hishyar Barzani
Kurdistan mapIn examining some political aspects of the ruling Kurdish political elite, who dominate the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), we answer few questions, such as, which form of elites they belong to? How the elite is reproduced? Is there any legitimate process of elite change? Is the alternating possible? Do they act in a legitimate way? What is the goal of the Kurdish political elite? We cast a quick look at the Middle East ruling elites.

There are important similarities between the Kurdish political elite and its Middle Eastern counterpart. Some of these similarities are the elite’s corruption, hostility to the principal of democracy, authoritarian rule, no legitimate process of power transfer is allowed, no transparency and no accountability.

The circulation of elite and democracy are closely related to each other. In a democratic system, the circulation of elite passes through a legitimate and regular way. However, in the whole Middle East, the only state where elite alternation process is carried out in a democratic way, is the state of Israel. The other states of the Middle East, like Iran and Turkey, have their own specific process of elite change, while aging dictators or hereditary dynasties rule the majority of Arab states.

The only change in the Arable world has been brought by the deaths of the ruling elite heads: King Hussein of Jordan, King Hassan II of Morocco and Emir Isa of Bahrain in 1999, Hafiz al-Assad of Syria in 2000 and Yasser Arafat of the Palestinian Authority in 2004. Meanwhile, favourite sons have replaced defunct fathers; the previous policy remains largely the same. The Kurdish elite mobility is stagnant. There are two leading groups (KDP and PUK), identified as “core elites” who control other “sub-elites”.

The function of the latter is largely symbolic. The Kurdish "core-elite" dominates every aspect of life in Kurdistan. It crosses the entire social, economic and political stratum, horizontally and vertically. Generally, the political culture of the Kurdish political elite is characterized by rampant clannish, nepotism, individualism and feudalism. What strikes the observer, when examining Kurdish (core-elite) of the KDP is its wide policy of intermarriage between the members of the core-elite. This policy reflects fear of future defection of its members, leading to the formation of a new rival elite.

Elite change after the death of the father, does not involve system change, but rather system reproduction, or its maintenance. During such hereditary transfers of power, the fundamental rules of the game guarantee the power of the past and present of the core-elite. In other word, the reproduction of the old. The Kurdish core-elite like its Arab counterpart, dominates large portion of foreign and internal commerce and business profitability. There are rich and poor areas in Kurdistan, according to the desire of the elites who have absolute power on the allocation of resources.

The political elites that took over Middle East countries in the 1960s, consider government as a source of power and personal enrichment. The party and the parliament that the core-elite dominate have become an instrument to serve and further their personal interests. The role of the government is a complementary to the party: both are subordinated to the benefit of the ruling core-elites. The elite’s repeated rhetoric of having adopted western values of democracy, supremacy of parliament, rule of law, judicial independence, free elections, Human Rights etc, are baseless slogans. These states have the worst Human Rights records. The Kurdish elite, like its Arab counterpart, select new recruits in order to limit their influence to the lower echelon of the political system, thus safeguarding the regime’s survival and its ultimate decision-making circles. Both, Kurdish and Arab elites try to face the increasing international pressure for changes, such as economic globalization and world competition. Internally, people demonstrate and demand freedom, democratic rights, social justice and better economic conditions. To face these challenges, the elites pay lip service to the west while strengthen the repressive instruments of the government to eradicate popular will.

Both elites have exploited the natural resources of their countries and then transferred profits, taxes and aid funds into their own foreign bank accounts. Both depend on brutal force for their survival. Kurdish incumbent elite uses inclusion or exclusion policy, to designate whether or not groups are permitted to enter the formal political sphere. Kurdish Diaspora is largely excluded from participation in Kurdish political decisions. The incumbent elite, bribed, imprisoned tortured and assassinated opponents. Only when they come under fire do they expand the political sphere. Both elites, for a long time, were the source of division of Kurdistan and the Kurdish people into two hostile administrations. Their alleged unity is primarily directed against the emergence of a new democratic movement.

In the Arab world , a dilemma persists among the people as to which strategy should be adopted for elites change? The Kurds confront the same dilemma. Though, in Kurdish society, there are signs of resistance and strong anti-submission feelings, but, it lacks the necessary strategy to turn the popular discontents into an effective opposition movement. One reason might be that, the two rival incumbent elites have divided Kurdistan on partisan line. Each has his own territory.

The degree of repression, behaviour of the secret police, propaganda and the freedom of expression are different. A unified democratic opposition movement, is highly necessary to emancipate other excluded progressive actors such as women, labour, youth and migrants, and to end elite monopoly of power, strengthen the unity of Kurdish people, abolish the system of “dictatorships” and replace it by a true democratic government,. A sort of an “orange revolution” in Kurdistan will set an example to be followed in the rest of the Middle East.

The contradiction in the USA policy is clear, it “spoils Kurdish elites”, while condemns vehemently dictatorship among the Arab ruling elites.

The White House has not labeled them as it has labeled the Arab dictators, because of its military difficulties in Iraq. However, it is dangerous to stand idly, and expect that foreign powers will do the job. A dynamic people depends on their own will, his unity and his own determination.

This movement for democratic changes in Kurdistan, can benefit from the support of the international community, but, as a determined nation the real task is our task.

The Pragmatism of Iraqi Kurds
Thursday, May 04, 2006
Stratfor.com
Masoud Barzani & Jalal TalabaniGeopolitical Diary: The Pragmatism of Iraqi Kurds There has been a sequence of events and public statements this week involving the Kurds that, on the whole, tend to argue against the popular opinion that their eventual goal is to secede from Iraq and form an independent state. First, Kurdish deputies in the Iraq parliament spoke out about territorial incursions by Iranian forces, who have recently struck out at the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in northwestern Iraq.
Parliament speaker Mahmud Mashhadani has called on the Defense and Foreign Affairs ministries to investigate the reported Iranian raids. Second, Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), said Baghdad is using diplomacy in efforts to stop the Iranians' shelling of Kurdish rebel positions in the north, and that the government does not expect an incursion by ground forces.
"The Iraqi government is making necessary contacts with the countries concerned and with international sides," he said. "There were some violations, but we do not think that there is a present threat or possibility of major incursion." Zebari added that, despite some "sticky issues and problems," the cross-border attacks "should be handled through diplomatic means." Finally, the PKK warned that it would retaliate against any attacks authorized by Turkey or Iran against its bases in northern Iraq. Senior commander Murat Karayilan said at a press conference in the northern Iraqi town of Raniyah that if Tehran and Ankara continued to strike at PKK bases or those of other Kurdish factions, his group would launch a guerilla war in Turkey.

Karayilan said the PKK, which is based in Turkey, is not active in Iran, but that its Iranian counterpart has bases along the Iraq-Iran border. What is interesting about these three events is that, when laid side by side, it appears the Iraqi Kurds are willing to use their ethnic brethren residing in Turkey and Iran (and even Syria) as a bargaining chip, seeking to improve their own standing within Iraq -- but that they are not willing to antagonize Ankara, Tehran or Damascus by joining forces with the other Kurds in the region in a push for an independent Kurdistan. There are several explanations for this position. First, and fairly obvious, is the fact that even if the Kurds of Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Iran pooled their resources, they would be no match for the military forces of even one of those states, let alone all three combined. Second, the Iraqi Kurds are sufficiently factionalized in and of themselves that only chaos could be expected if other groups were thrown into the fray.

There is a well-known love-hate dynamic between the KDP -- led by Masoud Barzani, head of the regional Kurdistani government in northern Iraq -- and Iraqi President Jalal Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). The two parties have a decent working relationship, but it is clouded by uncertainty: Both have been shaped by their respective leaders, and there are questions as to what would happen if either man was no longer at the helm.
Nor can it be forgotten that besides these two groups, there is the Islamic Union of Kurdistan -- which bagged five seats in Parliament -- the largest for any of the smaller groups following the four principal political blocs. That it was able to do so on a proportional representation system underscores that it wields considerable influence in the northern region; the Kurdistani Gathering bloc, led by the KDP and PUK, is the dominant Kurdish group, with 53 seats in the legislature.
A third consideration is that the Iraqi Kurds wield more internal political power than any other Kurdish communities in the region. On the surface, it would appear that they would, therefore, be the best candidates to launch a bid for independence. But it is their very political strength within Iraq that, paradoxically, prevents them from doing so. The Kurds control the presidency, foreign ministry, deputy premiership, and other key portfolios in Baghdad, not to mention having an autonomous Kurdistan region in the north, and a decent shot at controlling significant Iraqi oil revenues. Stated differently, the Kurds of Iraq likely will find it in their interest to pursue their political fortunes within the existing state rather than attempting to create a new one of their own.
Therefore, when the Kurds talk of federalism in Iraq, it is not with an eye toward laying a foundation for secession, but an end in itself. Proactively aiming for anything beyond a federalist structure would jeopardize the gains they have made since the fall of Saddam Hussein.
Within Iraq, the Kurds have power and leverage; outside of Iraq, there is real danger of losing political power and perhaps even of physical destruction by the states that view them as a threat. It is little wonder, then, that both Talabani and Barzani are emerging as advocates of Iraq's territorial integrity.
They have established ties to Iran and Syria, and they have exhibited an unwillingness to antagonize Turkey -- despite Ankara's long suppression of Kurdish political aspirations. The Iraqi Kurds are fully aware that, should they make any moves toward independence from Baghdad's rule, the Kurds of neighboring states naturally would follow suit -- and the safety of the entire community, let alone their own Interests and standing, would be at risk. A viable secession bid from any given state would require support from a third party -- in all likelihood, a neighboring state or a strong regional player.
In the case of Iraqi Kurds, all such potential allies see the breakup of Iraq as detrimental to their own interests, and Washington has no interest in supporting an independent Kurdistan. That essentially rules out the breakup of Iraq by secession. It does not, of course, rule out the possibility of failure stemming from the Sunni-Shiite split or other factors.
If such forces led to the collapse of the Iraqi state, the situation would be altogether different, and the Kurds would be forced to change their calculus. But under any circumstances that can be envisioned, an independent Kurdistan rising from the ashes of Iraq quickly would become a major battleground for the region. It should, therefore, come as no surprise that the Kurds of Iraq should prefer their current position --
limited but real power within an existing state -- to unity with their ethnic brethren and the very real possibility of wielding no power at all.

Ministers of the new unified cabinet of Kurdistan
Monday, May 08, 2006
KRG.org
Erbil, Kurdistan (KRG). The Kurdistan Regional Government has announced the members of the new unified cabinet. The new cabinet is the first since the unification of the two administrations that previously governed parts of the Kurdistan Region separately. Nechirvan Idris Barzani - Prime Minister Omer Fattah Hussain - Deputy Prime Minister Osman Haji Mahmoud - Min for the Interior Abdul Karim Sultan Shingali - Min of State for the Interior Sarkis Aghajan Mamendu - Min for Finance Bayiz Saeed Mohammad - Min of State for Finance Farooq Jamil Sadiq - Min of Justice Azad Izaddin Mala Afandi - Min of State for Justice Omar Osman Ibrahim - Min for Peshmerga Affairs Jafar Mustafa Ali - Min of State for Peshmerga Affairs Burhan Saeed Sofi - Min for Transport Dilshad Abdul Rahman Mohammad - Min for Education Dr. Abdul Rahman Osman Younis - Min for Health Adnan Mohammad Qadir - Min for Social Affairs Mohammad Ahmad Saeed Shakaly - Min for Religious Affairs Tahsin Qadir Ali - Min for Water Resources Imad Ahmad Sayfour - Min for Reconstruction and Housing Osman Ismail Hassan - Min for Planning Yousif Mohammad Aziz - Min for Human Rights Idris Hadi Salih - Min for Higher Education and Scientific Research Abdul-Aziz Tayeb - Min for Agriculture Mrs. Chinar Sa’ad Abdullah - Min for Martyrs and Victims of Anfal Falak-Addin Kakayee - Min for Culture Hushyar Abdul Rahman Siwaily - Min for Electricity Dr. Ashtee Hawramy - Min for Natural Resources Mrs. Nazanin Mohammad Waso - Min for Municipalities Taha Abdul Rahman Ali - Min for Sport and Youth Dr. Mohammad Ihsan - Min for Regions outside the Kurdistan Region Mohammad Raoof Mohammad - Min for Trade Widad Khurshid Osman - Min for Industry Dara Mohammad Amin - Min for the Environment Namrood Bithiu - Min for Tourism Haydar Shekh Ali - Min for Communication Abubakir Ali - Min of State Dr. Jinan Qasim - Min of State George Yousif Mansoor - Min of State Dr. Dakhil Saeed Qasim - Min of State Mohammad Haji Mahmood - Min of State Mohmood Eido - Min of State Madhat Mandalawy - Min of State Sa’ad Khalid Mohammad Amin - Min of State Abdul Latif Bandar Oghloo - Min of State

www.krg.org

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
Public StatementAI Index:

EUR 44/005/2006 (Public)News Service No: 093 12 April 2006
Turkey: Recent human rights violations must be investigatedAmnesty International last week called on the Turkish government to investigate all allegations of human rights violations arising in the context of recent violent protests in the south-east of the country and spreading through sporadic incidents to Istanbul.

After the funerals in Diyarbakir on 28 March of four members of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), who had been killed by the security forces, demonstrations escalated into violent protests during which demonstrators threw stones and Molotov cocktails, and damaged property. Four individuals were shot dead by the security forces.

In subsequent days, during further violent demonstrations in Diyarbakir and other towns in the region including Batman, Kiziltepe, Siirt and Nusaybin, the number of civilians killed rose to 13, at least four of them children. According to the available autopsy reports most of them died as a result of gunshot wounds. Many demonstrators and law enforcement officials were injured. On 2 April, in Istanbul, three women were crushed to death by a bus which was set alight following a Molotov cocktail attack allegedly perpetrated by demonstrators.

During these incidents, hundreds of demonstrators, including children, were detained. The majority of detainees in Diyarbakir alleged that they were subjected to ill-treatment on apprehension, and torture or other ill-treatment once in custody. In its letter to the Turkish Minister of Justice, Amnesty International acknowledged the difficulties faced by law enforcement officials while policing violent demonstrations and unconditionally condemned the human rights abuses committed by demonstrators which resulted in serious injury to civilians and law enforcement officers.

At the same time the organization called on the Turkish authorities to investigate all allegations of excessive use of force resulting in deaths of demonstrators by law enforcement officials during the policing of violent demonstrations, and to ensure that, should such allegations prove to be true, the perpetrators be brought to justice. It also called on them to ensure that the provisions of the UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials and the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials are upheld in the policing of all demonstrations, whether violent or not.

In light of the reported decline in the use of torture in recent years, especially in the Diyarbakir region, Amnesty International was particularly disturbed at allegations of torture or ill-treatment of detainees, including beatings, death threats and being stripped naked and sprayed with cold water.

There were also reports of irregular detention procedures, and of lawyers’ access to detainees being barred – in one case by force – by law enforcement officials. Amnesty International called on the Turkish authorities, in the context of their own “zero tolerance” policy towards torture, to fulfil Turkey’s international legal obligations as a State Party to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment by carrying out prompt, impartial and thorough investigations into all such complaints and to bring their alleged perpetrators to justice.

At the time that Amnesty International wrote to the authorities, 57 of the 91 minors detained during the events in Diyarbakir remained in prison pending trial. Some of them alleged ill-treatment or torture in custody, and their lawyers suggest that they were also subjected to irregular detention procedures. Amnesty International noted that some of the minors could face charges under articles of the Turkish Penal Code which fall under the jurisdiction of the Anti-Terror Law, and that in the case of at least one possible charge the penalty is life imprisonment.Amnesty International called on the Turkish authorities to extend to all children remanded to prison the particular protection they are afforded by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Turkey is a State Party by ensuring prompt, thorough and impartial investigations into the allegations of ill-treatment or torture in police custody, releasing children from prison at the earliest opportunity unless their prolonged detention could be adequately justified, and ensuring that no person below the age of 18 would face a sentence of life imprisonment without possibility of release.Amnesty International continues to monitor the human rights situation in Turkey, particularly in the south-east.

Families Flee Iranian Shelling Of Kurdish Rebels In Iraq
SULAIMANI, (Southern Kurdistan),
May 1, 2006 (AFP) -

Iranian forces shelled Kurdish rebel positions in Iraq for a second day Monday, forcing dozens of Kurdish families to flee attacks Teheran would neither confirm nor deny, an Iraqi Kurdish official said."Shelling was heavy in the night and it has continued sporadically since 7:30 am (0330 GMT)," said Aref Ruzhdi, a senior official with Iraqi President Jalal Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party.

"Hundreds of Kurds have had to flee to safer areas."Iranian forces were targeting positions nearly 200 kilometers (115 miles) north of Iraqi Kurdistan's Sulaimaniyah province held by the Kurdistan Workers' Party which opposes Ankara's rule in southeastern Turkey, Ruzhdi said.The shelling reportedly took place north of Ranya, 25 kilometers inside Iraqi territory."I believe the Iranians are working in coordination with the Turkish military," Ruzhdi said in comments that followed initial reports of shelling by a PKK leader in Iraq, Rustom Judi, on Monday."We have casualties," Judi told AFP, but did not provide further details.

A school and a vehicle were destroyed in the bombardment of the mountainous area, Ruzhdi said.On Sunday, Iraq's defense ministry said Iranian forces had entered Iraqi territory and shelled PKK positions over a period of 24 hours.Iran on Monday refused to confirm or deny its troops had crossed into Iraqi soil."I do not confirm the entry of our forces into the territory of neighboring countries, notably Iraq," government spokesman Gholam Hossein Elham told reporters in Tehran."We have security cooperation accords with neighboring countries and we act within the framework of these accords.

There is no cause for concern over this kind of thing with neighboring countries," he said.Iran is bound by treaty with Turkey to fight the outlawed PKK, which has waged a 15-year insurgency against Ankara for self rule in Turkey's mainly Kurdish southeast.In return, Turkey has pledged to fight the Iranian armed opposition group, the Iraq-based People's Mujahedeen.Turkey says some 5,000 armed PKK militants have found refuge in northern Iraq since 1999, when the group declared a unilateral ceasefire after the capture of its leader, Abdullah Ocalan.The truce was called off in June 2004."I warn Iran that their aggression against our party's positions in Iraq will have consequences," Judi said after an April 20 attack.

That Iranian shelling killed at least two people and injured 10 others in Iraq, the PKK said, while a group linked to the rebels, Pejak, killed four fighters inside Iran in weekend violence, Iranian media and Pejak said.Kurds make up the majority in three adjacent areas within Iraq, Iran and Turkey.Tehran and Ankara have accused a number of separatist rebel groups of exploiting Kurdish-controlled areas in Iraq to launch attacks inside their countries.For around a year, Iran has been battling border infiltrations by Pejak, with reports claiming that at least 120 Iranian police were killed and scores were wounded in the attacks blamed on the group.Meanwhile, Turkey has massed troops along the border to intensify operations against PKK rebels sneaking into Turkey in growing numbers with the arrival of spring as snow melts and makes passage through the mountains easier.

KONGRA GEL Statement To The People

KONGRA GEL Statement To The People
Mar 30, 2006
Across Kurdistan Newroz was celebrated peacefully and in a manner that suited its meaning. This years Newroz turned into a referendum for the Kurdish people to state their belief that ‘Mr’ Ocalan is a political will in the area’ and also to show their support for him. HPG (the Peoples Defence Force) also stated that it will not carry out any offences during the Newroz weekend.

The Turkish Government, who could not face up to the size of the Newroz celebrations, carried out an attack on the guerrillas with more than ten thousand soldiers. During the operation the army used chemical weapons alongside other technological equipment and killed 14 guerrillas who were defending themselves. This incident in itself is a war crime and a humanity crime.This incident has raised hatred and unrest in Kurdistan.

On the 27th of March when people were collecting the bodies of the guerrillas for burial the police and army attacked the people in Amed, Adana and Siirt and as a result many were injured and hundreds were arrested. After this in Amed and Siirt and in a few other cities, people protested by not going to work and protesting on the streets. The police and army attacked the people once again and until now four people have been killed and hundreds have been injured. These incidents are spreading. These incidents have arisen due to the politics of denial that the Turkish Government has not ceased to practise. The government is using every banned weapon including chemical weapons to kill Kurds. This is why these incidents have erupted.

Our people’s protests and reactions are rightful and justified. We salute our people’s protests against the government’s inhumane actions in Amed, Siirt, Adana, Batman and Adiyaman. Therefore, to show that the people of the cities we have listed are not alone we call on all our people in the cities of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, in the East, South and Southwest parts of Kurdistan and also in Europe to protests against the inhumane actions of the Turkish Government. We expect however, that when our people protest they should keep it peaceful and democratic without giving any trouble to the properties of our people. We again strongly condemn the inhumane actions of the Turkish Government against our guerrillas and our people. We would like to renew our call for a peaceful solution to this problem through dialog instead of the politics of aggression and denial.

We would also like to call on the United Nations, the European Union, and the European Council to not turn a blind eye to these inhumane attacks, and also to try and work for a peaceful solution to the Kurdish Question. We would like to take this opportunity to once again state that we are next to our people and salute their heroic resistance, We salute the 14 guerrilla martyrs and the martyrs of Amed, and send our best wishes to all the injured. Long live our peoples struggle for freedom, democracy and peace;

Regards;Kongra-Gel Leadership

30.03.2006

Iran Bombs PKK Camps
Melek YOLCU (JTW) -

Iran security forces bombed the PKK terrorist camps in northern Iraq. Iraq has protested Iranian operation. It is argued that the Iranian attacks were started last week.According to the Iraqi Ministry for Defense, Iranian forces entered 5 km inside Iraqi borders.It is reported that Iranian forces bombed the Hac Umran region in Erbil Province.The PKK has strong links with anti-Iranian Kurdist fighters. Last week, Iranian security forces killed 10 members of Pejak, which is affiliated with the PKK terror organization, in a major anti-terror operation. Iranian forces are conducting large scale operations near the Turkish and Iraqi borders after the PKK terrorists wintering in northern Iraq began to infiltrate the border with Turkey and Iran. In last week's clashes 10 PKK terrorists were killed while 6 Iranian security forces lost their lives. Several PKK terrorists were injured in the clashes.

There are no reported comments from Tehran on either of the alleged incidents, yet Tehran had declared that Turkey and Iran should make common operations against the PKK. Turkish security forces on the other hand continues its military operations against the PKK camps. "The Iraqi Government and the local security forces have done nothing against the PKK terrorism therefore we had to start a military operation against the terrorists" a Turkish officer said.A Turkish diplomat told the JTW that the operations is not against any country and does not aim any irredentist desire. "We respect all international borders and Turkey is the most important defender of Iraqi territorial unity" he added.Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sedat Laciner argues that the Iraqi Kurds 'invited' Turkish and Iranian military operations in Northern Iraq. Dr. Laciner continues:"The PKK has 3-4,000 terrorists in Iraq. They have armed camps and the camps have been used against Turkey, Syria and Iran. The PKK tries to create a Kurdish separatism in Turkey, Iran and Syria. They failed in Turkey. After the 26 years struggle against the security forces the PKK militants cannot get support from the Turkey Kurds and Turks.

The PKK uses the Iraq camps to make guerilla attacks against Turkey and Barzani and Talabani forces have allowed them to do so. If Barzani and Talabani do not want to see foreign soldiers in Northern Iraq, they have to prevent the PKK. If they cannot stop the PKK terrorists the Turkish armies may occupy some or the whole part of the region till the Iraqi Government establish its own sovereignty in the region. Barzani and Talabani are responsible in preventing terrorism in the region. If they have security forces they have to use it against terrorists not against their own Turkmen or Arab neighbors".Prof. Dr. Nilgun Gulcan said that the Iraqi Kurds are not happy with the Iranian and Turkish operations:"They are not happy. Barzani and Talabani see Turkey and Iran (and Syria) as the countries who can prevent the Kurdish independence. They accuse the neighboring countries of having desire on Iraqi territories.

In fact the reality is just the reverse. The Barzani and Talabani parties aim to establish an independent Kurdish state in Iraq. They illegally occupy Turkmen and Arab territories in Tel Afer, Kerkuk and other regions. Turkey respectsthe Iraqi peoples' will. However the Kurds should also respect the other minorities".It is expected that both Iran and Turkey will continue their military operations against the PKK in their own territories and in Iraq.US SUPPORTS TURKEY'S STRUGGLE AGAINST THE PKK The US State Department's annual "Country Reports on Terrorism 2005" has recently praised Turkey's cooperation in the fight against global terrorism, stating that Turkey is working to strengthen its counterterrorism finance regime.The American report, issued on Friday, again designated the PKK and its affiliates as a terror organization. The report underlined that the PKK terror organization, which has recently increased its terror activities, is carrying out fundraising and propaganda activities in Europe. The US report underlines that the PKK has some 3,500 terrorists are hiding in Northern Iraq, saying that it would require "more" joint action of Turkey, Iraq and the US to tackle the PKK terrorists. The Turkish military operations in the region was started after US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's official visit to Ankara. According to Dr.

Laciner Turkey has the American and Iranian support at the same time against the PKK: "Iran and the US are now at the heart of a crisis. However both countries give a clear support to Turkey in combating PKK terrorism" he added.The United States became convinced about the Turkish military operation against the PKK during a March visit by General Peter Pace, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, Turkish daily Posta said. JTW30 April 2006
Sunday , 30 April 2006Melek Yolcu, JTW